Policy Study No. 212 August 1996
MEETING THE CHALLENGE: How The Private Sector Serves Difficult-To-Educate Students by Janet R. Beales
PART I I. INTRODUCTION II. DESCRIPTION OF PRIVATE PROGRAMS A. Special Education for Students with Disabilities 1. Background 2. Nonpublic Schools 3. Private-Tuition Schools 4. Homeschools 5. Performance Outcomes B. Education for Students At-Risk 1. Background 2. Nonpublic Schools 3. Private-Tuition Schools C. Education for Incarcerated Youth 1. Background 2. Funding III. ALTERNATIVE ARRANGEMENTS A. Charter Schools B. Full Inclusion C. Cooperative Arrangements
PART ii I. PROGRAM ANALYSIS A. Performance Measures B. Financial Accountability 1. Public Providers 2. Charter Schools 3. Nonpublic Schools 4. Private-Tuition Schools C. Student Access 1. Public Schools 2. Charter Schools 3. Nonpublic Schools 4. Private-Tuition Schools 5. Homeschools II. POLICY ISSUES A. Cost Drivers 1. Labor Costs 2. Inflexible Regulations 3. Public Perception 4. Legislation B. Implications for School Choice C. Private Schools, Special Education, and the Courts III. SYNTHESIS IV. CONCLUSION V. RECOMMENDATIONS ABOUT THE AUTHOR ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS APPENDIX I: Financial Incentives APPENDIX II: States with Legislation Allowing Public Schools to Contract for Alternative Education for At-Risk Students APPENDIX III: Defining Characteristics of Educational Placements APPENDIX IV: Service Providers and Key Contacts
PART I
Forgotten children. Troubled youth. Students with special needs. Whatever the euphemism, these are children who are not well served in conventional education settings. These are students who challenge the capabilities of schools and parents alike. Often they are difficult and costly to educate. Beyond academics, education can involve teaching behavior modification, independent living skills, or skills to help the student contend with a particular disability. The private sector, including private schools, nonpublic schools, and homeschools, offers a wide variety of education programs for this population of students. Private-sector schools and programs exist to serve students with physical, mental, or emotional disabilities. Other private-sector schools specialize in meeting the needs of at-risk students—teen parents, substance abusers, homeless youth, dropouts, or academically undirected youth. Still others provide education and treatment services to adjudicated juveniles serving time for delinquent or criminal behavior (see Figure 1).
Conventional public schools enroll the vast majority of difficult-to-educate students. Contrary to a widely held perception, however, public schools do not accept everyone. Those students whom the public schools cannot or will not enroll are often sent, at public expense, to private schools with expertise in educating a certain type of student. Public schools cannot be expected to teach every child and teach all of them well. Where public schools lack specialization, they have relied on private providers for help.
Notes: These figures underestimate actual numbers of schools and students because of the lack of comprehensive data about private-sector providers. a The Directory for Exceptional Children: A Listing of Educational and Training Facilities, 13th Edition, 1994-95, Porter Sargent Publishers, Inc., Boston, MA 02108, p.7. The Directory lists 3,189 facilities including Catholic schools, tuition-based schools, and a small number of state schools. Because listings in the Directory are voluntary, some providers may have been omitted. b Directory of Catholic Special Educational Programs and Facilities 1989, National Catholic Educational Association, Washington, D.C. 1989, p. 7-67. Note: Some of these schools are included in the 3,000 count from The Directory for Exceptional Children. c Interview with Tom Bushnell, president and director, National Challenged Homeschoolers Associated Network (NATHAN), March 6, 1996. According to Bushnell, 4,100 families belong to NATHAN, a network of families who are homeschooling children with disabilities. Based on the incidence of reported disabilities in the public-school population (approximately ten percent of students) among the estimated 300,000 homeschooled students, Bushnell estimates that a total of 30,000 children with disabilities attend homeschools in the U.S. d Sixteenth Annual Report to Congress on the Implementation of The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, U.S. Department of Education, Washington, D.C., 1994, p. A-57 and A-59. Due to state reporting errors and omissions, this figure underreports the number of students attending nonpublic or private schools. e Directory of Catholic Special Educational Programs and Facilities 1989, p. 7-67. Count is total of school-reported enrollments and includes students in some schools serving juvenile offenders or at-risk populations. f Excludes juveniles held in police lockups, adult jails and prisons, and psychiatric and drug treatment programs. Conditions of Confinement:: Juvenile Detention and Corrections Facilities, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice, August 1994, p. ES1-2. g Conditions of Confinement, p. 1. h Estimate derived from number of juveniles housed in private ranches divided by the median population size of ranches (40 juveniles). [3,551/40=89]. Conditions of Confinement, p. 24-25. I Estimate derived from number of juveniles housed in private-reception centers divided by the median population size of training schools (86 juveniles). [6,275/86=73]. Conditions of Confinement, p. 24-25. j Estimate derived from number of juveniles housed in private-reception centers divided by the median population size of reception centers (23 juveniles). [340/23=15]. Conditions of Confinement, p. 24-25. k Estimate derived from number of juveniles housed in private training schools divided by the median population size of detention centers (22 juveniles). [590/22=27]. Conditions of Confinement, p. 24-25. l Estimate derived by applying percentage of privately operated shelters, halfway houses, and group homes to the relevant juvenile population. [84% x 29,214 juveniles = 24,539]. Conditions of Confinement, p. 24-25. m Conditions of Confinement, p. 25. n Ibid. o Ibid. p Ibid. Private schools may operate under contract with government agencies and receive public funding. (For purposes of this study, such schools are referred to as nonpublic schools. Nonpublic schools may be either for-profit or non-profit organizations and can also enroll students on a private-tuition basis.) Many private schools for difficult-to-educate youth, however, including schools with a religious orientation and homeschools, are supported primarily by private funding (see Table 1). A growing number of charter schools--autonomous public schools--specialize in serving at-risk students. Some charter schools for at-risk students are operated by private companies. The private sector has proven an important and viable provider of education for difficult-to-educate students. In serving this diverse student population, the private sector has spawned a wide variety of schooling options to meet the needs of individual learners. This study describes the role of private institutions in educating difficult-to-educate students. Part II of the study analyzes the various arrangements in the context of public policy. It discusses the extent to which each arrangement incorporates performance measures, financial accountability, and student access to services. Implications for school-choice policy will also be addressed.
II. DESCRIPTION OF PRIVATE PROGRAMS As the educational needs of the student population have grown more diverse, educators have responded by creating specialized programs to serve students. For purposes of this study, we examine private-sector educational programs for three student groups. Because students may fall under more than one category, considerable overlap exists among the programs serving difficult-to-educate students. For example, many programs serving adjudicated youth also provide special education because a large portion of juvenile offenders have been identified with learning and emotional disabilities (see Figure 1). The three groups examined in this study are:
Roughly 5.37 million children with disabilities under the age of 22 receive special-education services in the United States. The U.S. Department of Education no longer collects information about the total cost of special education, but the Center for Special Education Finance estimates that in 1993-94, public expenditures for special education exceeded $32 billion. In 1987-88, the most recent year in which comprehensive data was collected by the Education Department, public spending on special education totaled $19 billion from federal, state, and local sources. By far the most common disabilities are learning disabilities (see Table 2). The proportion of students categorized as learning-disabled more than doubled between 1976 and 1994, from 23.8 percent to 51.1 percent of all disabled students. Special education policies and their funding mechanisms vary from state to state. As a result, the percentage of all school-aged children identified as having a disability ranges from a low of 7 percent in Hawaii to a high of 15 percent in Massachusetts.
Source: Sixteenth Annual Report to Congress When Congress passed the landmark Education of All Handicapped Children Act (P.L. 94-142) in 1975, it set in motion a legislative mandate that would fundamentally alter the way students with disabilities are served in the public schools. The act, later renamed the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), provides federal funds to states for the purpose of educating students with disabilities. In order to receive such funds, IDEA requires that states adopt specified policies and procedures for special education. IDEA mandates that every child with a disability be provided with a free appropriate public education—regardless of cost. Because the term "free appropriate public education" (or FAPE) has never been well defined, parents and educators often disagree over how a child is to be educated, which can lead to intense litigation. The cost of a special education, in the public or private sector, is considerably higher than regular education. A Reason Foundation study of the Los Angeles Unified School District found that the average per-pupil cost of special education is two-and-a-half times greater than the cost of general education. In extreme cases, the public's cost of educating a single student, including such support services as residential care and out-of-state transportation, can approach $80,000 annually. IDEA requires that schools provide a continuum of placement options, including various placement settings within the public schools, and placement in nonpublic schools. Because of the law's emphasis on placing children in the least-restrictive environment, public-school officials first attempt to place a child in the public schools, even when the student may spend little or no time in the regular classroom. (Note: the least-restrictive environment policy assumes that students with disabilities are best served in placements which integrate them with their nondisabled peers, which is not necessarily true for every student.) Only after failing to place or serve the student in the public schools will public officials consider placement in a nonpublic school. When public schools or agencies cannot serve a particular student, they may contract with a nonpublic school to educate that student. Nonpublic schools are privately operated nonsectarian schools registered or licensed with the state to provide special education and related services under contract with government agencies. Tuition at nonpublic schools is at public, not parent, expense. The U.S. Department of Education (using state-reported data) reports that just over two percent of the nation's special-education population, or 100,700 students, attend private-sector schools, which can include residential care. Of that number, 43,795 students are placed in private schools at private expense. (Another 3 percent, or 159,000 students with disabilities, attend school in separate public facilities. These figures significantly underestimate private and nonpublic school enrollment because of state reporting omissions.) The 1994-95 Directory For Exceptional Children, lists roughly 3,000 private and nonpublic special-education schools and facilities. Nonpublic schools tend to be narrowly focused, developing expertise at serving children with specific disabilities. Nonpublic-school costs vary widely, depending in large part on the nature of the disability category served. The cost of educating a student in a nonpublic school may also include the cost of residential and medical care, and transportation. For example, the nonpublic Highland Hospital and Homewood School in Asheville, North Carolina, provides residential, hospital, and educational care to socially maladjusted children requiring intensive psychiatric care. In 1994-95, Highland Hospital and Homewood School served 27 boys and girls ages 12-18 at a per-pupil cost of $689 a day, or $250,000 on an annualized basis. (Because the students' length of stay varies in this type of setting, rates are often expressed as a daily, rather than annual or monthly, fee.) By contrast, the Atlantis Academy, a nonpublic day school in Miami, Florida, serves students with moderate learning disabilities at a per-pupil cost of $7,800 a year. Nonpublic schools specialize in just about every kind of disability. Because public schools often cannot accommodate children with severe disabilities, nonpublic schools tend to enroll some of the most demanding students. For example, students with Serious Emotional Disturbance (SED) account for 40 percent of the students enrolled in nonpublic schools. About half of the children suffering from a traumatic brain injury are placed in private settings (see Table 3). Children with severe disabilities also tend to involve higher costs of education and care. Lower student-teacher ratios, greater use of support services such as physical and occupational therapy, counseling, and medical services, and the use of specialized equipment and facilities all make special education more expensive relative to regular education. Nonpublic schools, by virtue of enrolling higher-needs students, often have the appearance of being a higher-cost provider relative to public schools, when in fact they may be competitive or even lower cost than the public schools for a given type of student. The full costs of nonpublic schools are easily identified, whereas the costs of public services are often incompletely reported due to cross-subsidizing, excluded costs, and other reporting errors. Few studies exist comparing the total costs of nonpublic schools and public school placements for a given level of service.
*Note: Total is for ages 6-21 only. Ages 3-21 in private placement equals 110,700 children. A variety of funding arrangements for nonpublic schools exists depending on the particular state’s funding formulas. (See Appendix I.) Funding for nonpublic-school placements may be fully reimbursed by the state or fully paid by the local school district (which receives additional revenues from the state and federal governments to defray the costs of special education). More often, however, costs are shared between local and state-level agencies. It is generally believed that when local agencies must pay a share of the placement costs, they will have a greater incentive to contain those costs. Government agencies other than education, such as the departments of health, mental health, juvenile justice, and social services may pay part or all of the costs of nonpublic-school placements, especially if the student is also receiving residential care. The funding formula may divide costs on a percentage-basis or by functional area of jurisdiction. For example, the local school district pays 30 percent of the costs of a nonpublic placement, with the state picking up the remainder. Or, a social services agency pays the residential portion, and the school district of residency pays the education portion for a student.
Another source of funding is the federal government. IDEA provides roughly eight percent of the funds allocated to special education by all levels of government. Additional federal funding programs for special-needs students include Medicaid, Head Start, Title 1, and Aid to Families with Dependent Children. Many nonpublic schools (particularly those with nonprofit tax status) also depend on private donations, though this tends to be a small portion of their overall budget. Funds may also come from the private insurance of students' families. By law, parents or guardians may participate in designing their child's Individualized Education Plan (IEP), which directs where a child will be placed. Parents do not have the authority to unilaterally make placement decisions for their child if the placement is at public expense. Occasionally, parents, however, have successfully litigated under IDEA to force the public-school district to pay for the placement they have chosen for their child. Some parents opt to place their children independent of government involvement. At least 43,795 students with disabilities attend special private schools at parent expense. These include private nonsectarian schools, private religious schools, or nonpublic schools (which sometimes enroll students on a private-tuition basis in addition to students enrolled under public-agency contract). As of 1989, the most recent year for which data is available, Catholic-church organizations operated 195 private schools throughout the United States specializing in educating children with disabilities. Among them are the St. Lucy Day School in Pennsylvania for children with visual impairments; the Mary Immaculate School in Toledo, Ohio, which serves learning disabled and crack-affected children; and St. Coleman’s Home in New York for children with autism and emotional disturbance. Other religious denominations, including the Jews, Mennonites, Quakers, Lutherans, Baptists, Methodists, Presbyterians, and Episcopalians also operate private special-education schools. Parents may choose a private school, forgoing public funding, when they feel the school better meets the needs of their child. "A lot more money doesn't always mean you get what you want," says parent Sherry Quist. She enrolled her daughter in the Mercy Special Learning Center, a private Catholic school specializing in educating students with mental retardation. Says Quist: We looked at all our options. Our public school was very cooperative, but this was the setting we chose....What's important to me is the setting. I know she's not only being taught and protected, she's also being loved. Here I know she'll receive a hug if she needs it. Private schools may decline government support for several reasons. Some have a religious emphasis, which generally precludes public funding under current constitutional interpretations. (Private religious and secular schools can receive some public funding for compensatory education, curriculum and supplies, equipment, transportation, and health-related services.) Public funding can also bring with it additional regulations such as class-size limits, mandated student-teacher ratios, mandated admissions, personnel requirements, etc., which may interfere with the school's particular instructional approach. The Maplebrook School, a private, nonsectarian school serving low-intelligence, learning-disabled students, discontinued its contractual relationship with New York in the 1970s. Says Maplebrook Headmaster Roger Fazzone, "The state did not pay on time and it forced the school to enroll students who did not meet the school's admission criteria." Now, says Fazzone, "Tuition bills get paid on time and we don't worry about borrowing money to meet payroll....We're able to select the youngsters we feel we can serve." There's been a third unanticipated benefit of the policy change, says Fazzone. "We tend to attract a group of parents who take responsibility for their children's education and don't depend on the state. So many parents go through the process of trying to get the public schools to pay; they become antagonistic, blaming the state, blaming the system. Here, rather than blaming the state when their children aren't learning, they take a more active part in designing their youngster's education." The annual cost per-student at the Maplebrook School is $31,700, including room and board, compared to the $55,000 cost of New York's state school for learning-disabled students, according to Fazzone. (Tuition at Maplebrook is actually $28,500 with the cost difference made up through fundraising.) Scholarships are available for low-income Maplebrook students. Meaningful cost comparisons between publicly and privately funded programs cannot be conducted because of a lack of comprehensive financial data about public-sector programs. For purposes of public policy and its implementation, information about the cost differences among various placement options would be useful. A third private placement option is the homeschool. Tom Bushnell, president and director of the National Challenged Homeschoolers Associated Network (NATHHAN), estimates that some 30,000 children with disabilities are homeschooled in the United States. Membership in NATHHAN, an information and resource network for families homeschooling special-needs children, numbered 4,100 families in 1996. Bushnell says parents turn to homeschooling for many different reasons. Some want control over curriculum and its religious and moral content. Others feel a regular school doesn't provide a safe environment for their special-needs child or doesn't provide enough protection against "school-yard bullying" by other nondisabled students. Some parents resent the labeling of their children. Still others turn to homeschooling after confrontations with public-school officials over how best to educate their child. Says Bushnell, who homeschools a blind daughter, a child with Downs syndrome, and a child with cerebral palsy, "Sometimes it's easier to do it yourself than fight. When you have to go to an IEP [Individualized Education Plan] meeting and face a multi-disciplinary team of six or eight professionals, it's stressful. It's you against the world. Parents get tired of fighting." And, he says, parents worry that the adversarial relationship with the public schools will affect the quality of care the schools give their child. "Would you want someone who you had to fight in an IEP meeting to put a catheter into your child?" asks Bushnell. Devorah Weinmann began homeschooling her eldest daughter, who has a learning disability, after the school psychologist refused to allow her daughter to start school one grade level below her age group. Says Weinmann of her adopted daughter, "She had been through five [foster care] placements by the age of four-and-a-half. She went through hell and back to become fairly secure. [The schools] weren't looking at her as an individual....She would just be shuffled along until she failed. I said, ‘I'm not doing this.’ " Now Weinmann homeschools all four of her children, three of whom have disabilities. She uses instructional materials altered to suit their needs and creates lessons from everyday experiences. Each child has an apprenticeship position for one-hour a week with a local business, for example. Weinmann's nine-year-old son apprentices at a produce store. "He feels responsible and valued for his work. And he sees how business runs," says Weinmann. To comply with New York state laws pertaining to homeschools, Weinmann has her children tested by an independent evaluator annually or biannually depending on their age, to measure their academic progress. Homeschooling for children with disabilities is legal in every state. But some states have enacted legislation hostile to its practice. For example, in Arkansas, parents must hold a valid special-education teaching certificate if they wish to provide nonacademic, special-education courses, such as occupational and mobility therapy, to their children. In Oregon, public-school educators must participate in the design of the student's home-study plan, even if the homeschooling family declines government support. Public funds and services, depending on the state's laws, are often available for homeschooled children with disabilities. Bushnell counsels parents against accepting them, fearing government intrusion. "As an organization, we encourage parents, if at all possible, to do it without government funding....Whenever you take money from the school district, the potential for the school district to tell you how to raise your child is always going to be there." Bushnell recounts complaints from homeschooling parents who have been contacted by social-service agencies, or hotlined to the Child Protection Services by anonymous callers concerned about homeschooling. Says Bushnell, "These parents love their children and want what's best for them. They take their responsibility very seriously. What they want from government is they want to be left alone."
CASE STUDY #1 Kids 1, Inc., East Brunswick, New Jersey ![]() Kids 1 provides management and instructional services for children with disabilities throughout New Jersey. The High Road Schools, two nonpublic day schools which form a division of Kids 1, enroll 250 students in grades preK-12 under contract with local public school districts. Students at the High Road Schools may have developmental delays or neurological impairments manifesting themselves as learning disabilities, speech impairments, or attention-deficit disorders. Students may have low or high levels of intelligence. The IQ of High Road students ranges from 75 to 140. Before the student is placed at the High Road Schools, says Kids 1 President Ellyn Lerner, the student has typically experienced a spiraling down in behavior with either numerous suspensions or teacher conflicts. Says Lerner, "The child typically interferes with the learning of other students in the classroom until there is noticeably diminished learning going on in the classroom. That's when public schools often outplace the most disruptive child." In addition to academics, the High Road Schools emphasize behavior modification and vocational skills. Classroom environments are highly structured with low student-to-teacher ratios. Students develop job skills in the restaurant, giftshop, and beauty salon operated by High Roads. Students may create their own small businesses, which have included a carwash service, hotdog cart, and ice-cream stand. Secondary students also learn on-the-job skills through off-campus internships. Student outcomes are constantly measured and evaluated on several dimensions. For example, on a daily basis, teachers measure the student's incidence of disruptions, amount of time on task, etc. High Roads also measures the student's mastery of specific subjects, and breadth of knowledge across subject areas. Every three years, the student's academic, social, and psychological progress is measured through state-mandated assessments. Says Lerner, "Outcomes for special education are real tough. We're looking for better measures, such as future employment." After ten years of operations, longitudinal information about High Road alumni is just now becoming available. Among the eight students who completed High Road's two-year job training program, seven are currently employed, says Lerner.
With few exceptions, useful performance measures are lacking in special education. Virtually no information exists allowing educators to compare student outcomes among different placements. In addition, the costs of special education are rarely considered together with actual student results. "[T]here has been very little information about the educational results of this group of students," reports the U.S. Department of Education in its annual report to Congress about students with disabilities. The department notes that students with disabilities are disproportionately excluded from state and national assessments for a variety of reasons. According to the report:
CASE STUDY #2 Devereux, Santa Barbara, CA Established in 1912 by Helena Devereux in Pennsylvania, Devereux is a nonprofit, nationwide network of educational, residential, and care programs for people with emotional disorders and developmental disabilities. Devereux schools are located in 13 states and in the District of Columbia. At Devereux Santa Barbara in California, some 45 school districts contract for special-education services. In 1995, approximately 110 children resided at Devereux. Of those, 20 attended Santa Barbara public schools on a full or part-time basis; the rest attended Devereux's on-site nonpublic school. Altogether, Devereux Santa Barbara serves over 200 children and adults living both on and off the 33-acre campus. Devereux serves students with IQs ranging from 40 to 100 points. Some 60 of its residents have autism. In 1995, Devereux Santa Barbara's total operating budget was $16 million for adult and child residential treatment, and other services. Of the total, $2.8 million was budgeted for education. Roughly $50,000 of the education budget comes from private fundraising; the remainder is publicly funded. The base cost per-pupil at Devereux Santa Barbara was $130 per day in 1995. Most Devereux students are also enrolled in the center’s residential treatment program at an additional cost of $4,100 per month. Costs for pupil transportation and services such as psychological counseling, medical treatment, speech and other therapies, are additional. Devereux Santa Barbara employs 412 full-time equivalent staff including doctors, psychologists, teachers, social workers, and residential workers. Says Devereux Executive Director Thomas McCool, "We're at the higher end [of tuition costs]. If you look at our school program, we have the most intense kids that come from all over the state of California and also from out of state." The typical length of treatment is one to four years. "Most of the kids we get are severe ed [in need of intensive services] and they're not going to get cured. So the best thing to do is to help them get through their adolescence so they don't end up in a hospital program or worse, on the street. We try to work with them and the family to develop behavioral controls and to identify what kind of supports they re going to need as adults," says McCool. Students who fail to progress at Devereux Santa Barbara are referred to a more restrictive setting such as a state hospital, where costs tend to be higher. For these students, achievement is measured by their movement into progressively less-restrictive settings, so that ultimately, they can live as independently as possible. Devereux also runs a program for adjudicated youth in Kennesaw, Georgia. Many of these youth are violent and/or have antisocial behavior. These students are viewed by the courts as being emotionally disturbed and therefore qualify for special education. Explains McCool, "If you went to this program and observed its entry level, you might think it was a prison. However, it's all run by clinical staff. The furniture is bolted down or too heavy to move, and the physical structure is very prison-like." From this program, the students can move to a less restrictive residential setting and on to a group home before leaving. "Many of these children do not make it through the program successfully and end up in prison, but a lot of them do benefit from it and lead productive lives as a result," says McCool. The cost of the Devereux program in Georgia is over $350 a day per juvenile. Says McCool, "A lot of it is pay now or pay later. The secret is trying to get people to understand what's being paid for and what the alternatives cost." Guidelines about inclusion and exclusion, where they exist, are inconsistently applied. Students may be excluded for reasons that are only incidental to their disability, for example, telephone surveys usually exclude people who are deaf or use telecommunication devices. National education surveys often do not include special schools. On some school sampling rosters, all students within a specific category were excluded. Many large-scale assessment programs allow exclusion of students who might experience discomfort during testing, thus excluding a substantial proportion of students with mental, emotional, and/or physical disabilities. Finally, exclusion may occur if administrators feel the students’ test scores would lower a school’s or district’s performance level. Only recently has the U.S. Department of Education begun to measure the achievement of public-school students with disabilities as a group. Existing research indicates that students with disabilities fare poorly. As a group, students with disabilities have higher rates of absenteeism, are more likely to drop out, and earn lower grades than their nondisabled peers. Taken from the National Longitudinal Transition Study, the research evaluated results only from regular public secondary schools; students in private schools, nonpublic schools, and separate public schools were not included in the study. More refined measures are needed, so that parents and educators can identify educational placements that result in improved student achievement. Nonpublic and private schools are also attempting to offer more conclusive evidence about the value of their programs. Says Gerard Thiers, executive director of New Jersey's Association of Schools and Agencies for the Handicapped (ASAH), "The National Report to Congress indicates high rates of failure. Our [nonpublic school] members think they're more successful getting kids into the community and getting them employed. We think we're more effective and we want to get the data." B. Education for Students At-Risk A catch-all category, students at-risk are those who struggle academically and/or socially in school. At-risk students are often caught in an education no-man's land; they are neither eligible for extra services through special education (unless they have a disability), nor are they well served by regular education. There is no standard definition of at-risk, but the term is generally used to indicate students who, for a variety of reasons, are likely to dropout, or fail out, of school. The Minnesota Department of Education describes at-risk students as those meeting at least one of the following criteria:
Compared to special-education legislation, public policies for at-risk students are less formalized and regulated. Local education administrators generally have broad authority over how and if students exhibiting at-risk behaviors are served outside the regular classroom. Some school districts have created elaborate programs in-house to serve at-risk youth; others do nothing beyond providing at-risk youth with the same education as other students. Many school districts contract with a nonpublic school or program to provide education and other services. Parents and guardians of at-risk youth who find the public-school programs inadequate or inappropriate for their children often bypass the system altogether, choosing to enroll them in a private, tuition-based school or program. Services for at-risk youth can include tutoring, full-time instruction, vocational education, drug treatment, counseling, childcare, and residential care. Alternative education may range from independent study allowing the student to hold a full-time job while working toward a GED, to highly structured, secure, residential programs incorporating behavior modification and therapy. At least seven states—Wisconsin, Minnesota, Oregon, Arizona, Texas, New Mexico and Florida—have formal, legislated programs enabling public schools to contract with nonpublic schools, also known as alternative schools, to serve at-risk students (See Appendix II). Lack of enabling legislation does not prevent school districts from contracting with nonpublic alternative schools, however. Districts in at least seventeen states contract with private- providers to serve at-risk youth. Says Milwaukee Public Schools (MPS) Alternative Program Director Fermin Burgos about the contract arrangement, "It enables MPS to provide a whole range of different options. We want tailor-made programs for pregnant teens, chronic disrupters, or students coming from juvenile institutions. With contracting, we can offer those programs. In some cases they are more effective than the traditional schools." If a child is identified as being at-risk and does not qualify for special education and is not an adjudicated youth, nonpublic-school day programs are available often at a cost equal to or lower than what the referring school district spends for regular education. For example, in Minnesota only the per-pupil amount of state aid used to fund regular education may follow the at-risk student to the program site. The district retains the local revenue share plus 22 percent of the state aid to cover district-administration costs. In 1994-95, average per-pupil funding from state, local, and federal sources totaled $6,391 for Minnesota students. (Note: this figure is an average for all students in the state including primary and secondary students, regular and special-education students.) By contrast, nonpublic alternative schools received between $3,150 and $3,600 per at-risk pupil depending on the student's age. In most cases, referrals to contract programs are made by a parent, school counselor, or teacher to the school board or superintendent of the student's home district. Placement in a nonpublic school is usually made with the student's and parent's consent. Parents, however, do not have the authority to unilaterally place their student in a nonpublic school without school-district approval if they expect the placement to be publicly funded. For more severely troubled youth (including those with emotional disabilities or a history of juvenile delinquency), referrals may come from various agencies including the school system, the juvenile justice system, child welfare authorities, private physicians and medical groups and state institutions. Some alternative schools for at-risk students operate as private charities or on a parent-pay basis and receive little or no public funding. One example is Father Flanagan’s Boys Home in Boys Town, Nebraska—serving neglected and delinquent youth. Boys Town receives approximately 60 percent of its revenues from private sources, despite the fact that most of its referrals come from public agencies. (See case example.) Parents of troubled youth sometimes seek independent placements. Wilderness camps, ranches, college-prep schools, and alternative schools are often a parent's only recourse for those youth for whom other public or nonpublic school placements have failed. Lon Woodbury is an education placement consultant who helps parents locate a school or program that best meets the needs of their child. Says Woodbury, "Most of these programs were founded by someone who looked around trying to help these kids and there was nothing for them....So they took a risk, put up their own money and went into the school business." States are involved in accrediting and making sure schools meet minimum health and safety standards. But most oversight comes from parents who select the school and are responsible for tuition and residential fees. Woodbury estimates that the cost of a quality residential program for troubled youth averages $2,500 a month. Scholarships and private insurance may pay some of that amount. Unlike special education, where parents have successfully litigated to have the government pay the full cost of a private placement made by the parent, at-risk students are not guaranteed by federal law a "free and appropriate" education. Generally, parents cannot place their at-risk child in a private school and then expect reimbursement from the public schools. While tuition costs can pose a barrier to low-income families, Woodbury notes that the absence of government funding has some advantages. Says Woodbury, "He who pays the piper calls the tune. If the parent pays, they can demand and get action."
CASE STUDY #3 Ombudsman Educational Services, Libertyville, Illinois Serving over 2,000 students from 102 districts in eight states during 1995-96, Ombudsman Educational Services is among the largest private providers of alternative education under contract with the public schools. Established in 1975 to provide alternative education to students who have either dropped out of school or are at risk of dropping out or being expelled, Ombudsman averages an 85 percent student-retention rate. Per-pupil cost of the program: $20-$25 a day—about half the cost of educating a student in a regular public school. Ombudsman seeks to increase student achievement enough to enable the student to return to his or her home school prepared to graduate. Students may also graduate directly from Ombudsman with a diploma or GED (General Equivalency Diploma). Teachers in Ombudsman schools are state certified and most Ombudsman programs are accredited by the North Central Association. Ombudsman's approach involves self-paced instruction with low pupil-teacher ratios (less than ten-to-one). Students attend Ombudsman schools for three hours a day, five days a week, working at their own pace with computer-based instruction on basic skills. Says Boyle, "You can never fool kids. Unless they see something worthwhile, they'll stop coming." Said one 12th-grade student about Ombudsman's concentrated approach, "I learned more in these four hours than I learned in a week at my old school. You learn about three or four subjects a day and spend about 45 minutes on each subject, so it's like a classroom....Four hours is long. By the end of the day, you're tired."
Said another student, "They do tests so you start with what you don't know and you don't redo the things you already know. You don't get bored. You go at your own pace." Don Gossett, superintendent of the 2,400-student Libertyville High School in Libertyville, Illinois, contracts with Ombudsman for twelve students. "We're pleased with what they provide. It's truly an alternative program. It's very individualized and designed around technology. We use it as a last chance type of thing for students who are highly at-risk." At a cost of $3,000 per student, Gossett says the program is cost effective. "We could not provide a program on campus for what they do it for."
CASE STUDY #4 Sobriety High, Edina, Minnesota Founded in 1989 as a tuition-based alternative school, Sobriety High educates 9th through 12th-grade students in recovery from chemical dependency. In 1990, the nonprofit school was approved under Minnesota's High School Graduation Incentives program and began accepting public-school students under contract. In 1994-95, Sobriety High enrolled 42 students from surrounding districts and had a two-year waiting list. Sobriety High operates with significantly less public funding than regular public high schools. For each student it enrolls, Sobriety High receives 88 percent of the state basic-revenue amount (and no local tax revenues), or about $3,500 per pupil a year. The school raises additional funds from private donations. Sobriety High is staffed by young teachers who also serve as mentors, counselors, and friends to their students. Says Hansen, "teachers here are hired for as much as who they are as what their academic background is." Teachers at Sobriety High must have a college degree in their area of instruction, but are not required to be state certified. "To be admitted at Sobriety High, students and their parents must sign a sobriety commitment—pledging themselves to keep kids in a sober environment and graduate with a diploma," says Hansen. Students are automatically expelled if they relapse three times. To keep costs down, Sobriety High is located in a sparsely furnished suite of classrooms in a suburban business park. Coursework focuses on core academic areas meeting all regular state academic requirements. There is no gym, no chemistry lab, and no support staff. Says Hansen, "We don't have a janitor; the kids clean the school and make the rules." Involving students in the operation of the school is part of Sobriety High's approach. At group meetings, students address issues ranging from school cleanup to student conduct. The group process also fosters tremendous peer pressure against using drugs and alcohol, which is one reason for Sobriety High's success. Says Hansen, "The success of the school depends on the trust and respect of the group. The kids make it." Another key to the school's success is its controlled, sober environment. Being in a separate school, away from their former peers, who continue to use drugs and alcohol, removes many of the temptations these students encountered in their regular schools. The school has a graduation rate of 95 percent, according to Hansen. Among substance abusers attending the region's regular high schools, 50 percent graduate. (Note: due to measurement differences, these two graduation rates are not comparable.)
CASE STUDY #5 Father Flanagan's Boys Home, Boys Town, Nebraska
Originally established in 1917 by Father Edward J. Flanagan as a home for orphaned and abandoned boys, Boys Town today directly cares for more than 27,000 boys and girls annually in fourteen states and the District of Columbia. Boys Town programs include education, residential homes, emergency shelters, foster-care, family counseling, and a medical research hospital. At the 900-acre home campus in Boys Town, Nebraska, 550 girls and boys in grades 3-12 live and attend school. The typical Boys Town youth has been placed in two to three foster homes or group homes before coming to Boys Town, has a history of juvenile delinquency, and tests two to three years below grade level in school. Most have been neglected and abused by their families. Eighty percent of Boys Town children come from single-parent homes. Over half of all girls and 30 percent of the boys have been sexually abused. One in five have considered suicide; 63 percent have mental health problems severe enough to be diagnosable. Despite the considerable challenges these youth present, Boys Town has been successful in turning their young lives around. An eight-year study by Boys Town researchers found that 83 percent of all Boys Town residents graduate from high school or earn a GED. That compares to a 69 percent graduation rate for youth referred to Boys Town but served by other non-Boys Town programs, and a 55 percent graduation rate for children placed in foster care nationally. Boys Town continues to monitor the progress of its alumni after graduation. Twenty-five percent enroll in higher education; another 25 percent enroll in employment training programs. In total, over 92 percent of Boys Town graduates are enrolled in school or employed two to three years later. In keeping with its famous motto: "He ain't heavy, Father...he's my brother," Boys Town stresses cooperation, a family-oriented philosophy, and responsibility for self and others. Children live on the Boys Town campus in family-style cottages, each headed by a Boys Town trained married couple who serve as surrogate parents, role models, teachers, and counselors. Boys Town runs an elementary and a secondary school on campus attended by all residents. Both schools are accredited and provide comprehensive academic and vocational classes. The high school is organized around a seven-period day without study halls. Academics, social skills, and employability skills are emphasized, with students offered vocational training in over a dozen career areas. Boys Town also has its own sports teams, band, choir, student newspaper, and student government. Although Boys Town is a secular, nonprofit organization, spirituality is an important component of Boys Town life. Depending on the religious preference of the child (or his biological family), he or she must attend church or synagogue once a week. Father Flanagan once said, "Every boy must learn to pray. How he prays is up to him." Religious instruction is also part of the school curriculum. The residential and educational cost per child at Boys Town is $49,000 a year. Of that, two-thirds is privately supported through donations and a trust fund established by Father Flanagan in 1941; the remainder is funded by social service, juvenile justice, and education agencies. Noting the inconsistency of public funding among different states and different programs, Dr. Daniel L. Daly, director of planning and research at Boys Town, says the private-sector's role is essential to making sure children receive the services they need. "Happily, we are an organization that's able to subsidize care for kids so the [placement] label [which partially determines public funding] doesn't make a difference to us....I don't think public funding comes near enough to covering what these kids need."
Daly believes both the public and private sector, working separately or in partnership, are needed to serve neglected and abused children. When evaluating a program, he advises policy makers to "stick with outcomes—kid outcomes, not system outcomes." Graduation rates, employment rates, and success in school will show whether or not a particular program is helping students, he says. "Programs should be results, not process, oriented." Daly says that by asking, "‘What actually benefits kids?’, it becomes a little clearer what has to be done."
The Stories Behind the Statistics John, age 14, had 15 prior placements before coming to Boys Town all in three years. He ran away three times this week. That is how he got 15 placements before he arrived here. Here is George, age 11, with cigarette burns on his arms when he came to Boys Town. Here's Tom, age 13. He was chained to a bed by his foster father for the last six years when he wasn't in school and was beaten on a regular basis. Here's Mary, aged 16, sexually abused by her father and grandfather since the age of eight. She is extremely promiscuous. She feels rotten about herself. She does not know how to seek affection except in a way that will punish her and make her feel cheap and lousy about herself. Here is Lora. She was raped by her mother's boyfriend at age six. She was sexually abused until she was 11 when she became a prostitute. At age 12 1/2 she was admitted to Boys Town. Here is Sam. His mom and dad were pretty much like most moms and dads today. They worked hard and successfully raised Sam's three older brothers. Why Sam was so truant and mixed up in drugs and shoplifting is a mystery to them. These are kids with problems, lots of problems. They have been through a lot already in their young lives. They have been abandoned, abused, and neglected or simply alienated from others. They can not make it at home, in school, or in the community. That is why they come to Boys Town. (Reprinted from What Makes Boys Town So Special with permission from Boys Town)
CASE STUDY #6 Helicon, Inc. Shelter Education Program, Tennessee Children in emergency shelters are missing more than a home and a family, they are also missing continuity in their education. The Helicon Shelter Education Program, a division of Children's Comprehensive Services, provides certified teachers, materials, curriculum, and academic-record keeping on site at 27 emergency foster-care shelters throughout the state of Tennessee. The shelters, operated by local churches, private contract providers, and public agencies, give temporary residential care to children who have been referred to them by probation officers or social-service case workers. Helicon supplements the shelter care by providing a full-day education program on site to children age 6 to 18 who are in temporary state custody. About half the children are delinquents or runaways. The other half are neglected or abused children awaiting placement in foster care or return to their families. For children enrolled in the Helicon education program, the average length of stay in the shelter is approximately 30 days. Under contract with the Tennessee Department of Finance and Administration at a daily rate of $40 per pupil, Helicon, Inc. tailors educational services to each child, maintaining a student-to-teacher ratio of no more than eight-to-one. On any given day, Helicon teachers educate 350 students in Tennessee's emergency shelters. Providing education on a short-term, unpredictable basis presents unique challenges. "The biggest issue, and the reason we were given the opportunity to do this, is because previously the child had been shuffled around from district to district and their records didn't follow them and their credits weren't transferred. Children were dropping out because they weren't getting credit," says Mark Claypool, Helicon's director of day treatment programs. Helicon is responsible for locating and obtaining school records for every child it serves. "Because these children come from all over the state, it's been a huge problem to track down the records. Sometimes their records were being held up by something as simple as a library fine that wasn't paid and so the school secretary wouldn't release the records. We paid the library fines," explains Claypool. Serving children of varying ages and abilities in a residential shelter raises a number of logistical issues. Some shelters are so small, the living room becomes the classroom for the day or classroom space is borrowed from a local church. Because the shelters never know what kind of child will turn up at their door, "we have to have an incredible continuum of curricula materials at each site, no matter how small," says Claypool. He says that a greater number of delinquent youth are being referred to shelters in Tennessee than in the past. Helicon works with facility staff to help them accommodate these new demands. "We do a great deal of training in behavior modification. At this level of intervention, we're getting a more difficult [student] population."
The Cost of Dropping Out Students at-risk of dropping out are also at risk of a lifetime of marginal employment. The U.S. Department of Justice reports that in 1992, the unemployment rate for high-school dropouts was 11 percent versus 7 percent for those who graduated high school, but did not attend college. Median incomes for high-school dropouts employed fulltime were just half those of high-school graduates.
C. Education for Incarcerated Youth Public concern is growing as the rate of juvenile crime increases. In 1991, juveniles were responsible for one in five violent crimes and committed 14 percent of all robberies and 21 percent of all assaults. The U.S. Justice Department reported in 1995 that it expects the juvenile arrest rate for violent crimes to double in 15 years. The current murder rate among teens has risen 165 percent in the past decade, according to the department. In 1990, over 680,800 juveniles under the age of 21 were admitted into traditional juvenile facilities such as detention centers, reception centers, training schools, and ranches. In 1991, there were 984 such facilities in the United States. Seventeen percent of juveniles confined in these settings were held in privately operated facilities. Eighty-eight percent of the incarcerated juvenile population is male. Because most juveniles are confined for relatively short periods, the population of incarcerated youth in institutional facilities on any given day is roughly 63,000 juveniles. An additional 29,214 juveniles in custody are housed in 2,224 shelters, halfway houses, and group homes. These alternative facilities are physically unrestricted environments allowing nonviolent juveniles extensive access to the local community. Eighty-four percent of shelters, halfway houses, and group homes are privately operated. (See Table 4). State compulsory education laws requiring children to attend school until a specified age also apply to adjudicated and incarcerated youth. Private facilities, either nonprofit or for-profit, are subject to governmental licensing and regulations, but are otherwise privately owned and operated. The educational program in private facilities is usually provided by the facility operator, according to industry officials. In unrestricted environments, such as shelters, halfway houses, and group homes, students in some cases attend public schools. In general, almost all juveniles are held in facilities providing basic educational services. The quality, however, varies greatly, with some facilities using classrooms only to warehouse students and others providing comprehensive individualized assessment and instruction. A U.S. Department of Justice survey found that most facility administrators believed improvements were needed in their educational programs. Little, if any, comprehensive research exists describing the outcomes and results of educational programs within juvenile facilities. A 1994 U.S. Department of Justice report recommends that "such a study be undertaken in order to better evaluate the capacity of educational programs in juvenile confinement facilities to serve [educational] needs..."
Note: Figures in italics are derived estimates. Juveniles in unrestricted shelters, halfway houses, and group homes may attend public schools; more detailed information about education providers for this population is not available.
Source: Conditions of Confinement, and Juvenile Offenders and Victims, U.S. Department of Justice
The same U.S. Justice Department report stated, "Although there is extensive anecdotal and experiential evidence on the educational deficiencies...of juvenile offenders, we have no systematic empirical data on confined youths' educational or treatment needs and problems. Thus, we cannot determine whether facilities provide appropriate programs or whether juveniles make progress during confinement." According to Peter Leone, a juvenile corrections researcher at the University of Maryland, education programs for incarcerated youth are a low priority for states faced with budget problems. Says Leone, "The programs are highly variable with regard to both the skills young people learn and the resources to do the job....In places, such as parts of the midwest, where there is a strong tradition of education, they have a pretty good program in correctional education." But, he says, "many abysmal programs continue to operate because there's no systematic oversight." Few states systematically collect longitudinal data on recidivism rates for juvenile offenders. Without such information, sentencing officials cannot determine which placements would be most effective at rehabilitating a particular juvenile. Furthermore, the absence of data about juvenile outcomes means providers (both public and private) face less competitive pressure to produce the desired results since they continue to receive referrals regardless of their performance. Adjudicated and incarcerated youth present special problems for educators. They often have a prior history of truancy and test significantly below grade level. Many have been diagnosed with learning, behavioral, or other disabilities. Some 10,400 students in correctional facilities receive special-education services under federal law. Incarcerated youth may lack skills in moral reasoning. Many have been incarcerated because of their violent behavior; for educators, this means taking extra precautions. One federal study noted, for example, that educators often did not permit their students to take pencils outside the classroom, fearing they would be used as weapons. A missing pencil in one facility's classroom resulted in a strip search of the students. Funding for adjudicated youth typically comes from the state's department of juvenile justice, but is often augmented by revenues from federal and state programs such as special education, Title 1 (compensatory education) funds, and Medicaid. After sentencing, placement decisions for adjudicated youth may be made by the state or local juvenile justice agency. If the sentencing judge recommends a particular program, the agency will generally try to be accommodating. For private placements, the agency negotiates rates with the provider or pays an amount based on government cost formulas. In 1994, the average daily cost of incarcerating a juvenile was $107.23, according to the Criminal Justice Institute.
An emerging alternative arrangement for difficult-to-educate students is the charter school. Charter schools are autonomous publicly funded schools freed from most state and local regulations. A 1995 survey by the Education Commission of the States indicated that one-half of the charter schools in the seven states surveyed were designed to serve at-risk students. Charter schools serving at-risk students include Options for Youth Charter School in California, the Arizona Career Academy, and the Boston University Charter School for homeless students. CASE STUDIES #7 Advocate School, Mid-Valley Youth Center, Van Nuys, Calif.
Media reports of gang violence make headlines in the papers. But after the arrests are made, what happens to adolescent gang members? Some end up at the Mid-Valley Youth Center in Los Angeles County, a residential and educational program enrolling 84 residents aged 11-18. Opened in 1988 under contract with the Los Angeles County Departments of Probation and Children's Services, Mid Valley has developed expertise in rehabilitating troubled youth. The Advocate School on Mid Valley's grounds provides full-time individualized instruction with student-to-staff ratios of three-to-one, including counselors. Advocate School staff are doubly challenged. Not only do their students bring with them a history of delinquency, the students have also been diagnosed as being severely emotionally disturbed. All students at the Advocate School are eligible for special education under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA). The rate per-pupil for the Advocate School's day program is approximately $90 a day. The typical student coming to the Advocate School is two to three grade levels behind in academics and remains at the school for nine to 18 months. Students attend both the school and the residential-treatment program. Over half the students have been referred to the Advocate School and the Mid-Valley Youth Center by the state Department of Probations. Says school director Kathryn Delzell, "almost all students at the Advocate School had previously been gang members or functioned at the periphery of gang culture."
Some charter schools specialize in serving students with disabilities. The Metro Deaf Charter School in Minnesota, for example, serves students with hearing impairments. Borrowing on a concept from special education, many charter schools create Individualized Education Plans (IEPs) for all their students, enabling them to customize education without labeling children. Charter law in several states allows private organizations to create and operate charter schools with public funding. As of August 1996, twenty-six states had passed charter-school laws.
A discussion of full inclusion—the integration of students with disabilities into regular classrooms on a full-time basis—is beyond the scope of this policy paper. In the course of this research, the author came across a number of private special-education schools that had implemented full-inclusion policies by pairing their special-education schools with their private regular education schools. These include the Oak Crest County Day School in New Jersey, and St. Lucy Day School for Children with Visual Impairments. In addition, many regular private schools fully include students with moderate disabilities. More research is needed about the impact of full inclusion on student performance, and the extent to which regular private schools accommodate students with disabilities.
CASE STUDY #8 Youth Services International, Maryland Public concern over rising crime among juveniles has led to renewed efforts to find effective treatment and incarceration facilities for youthful offenders. Many states are turning to private providers such as Youth Services International, Inc. Founded by Jiffy-Lube entrepreneur W. James Hindman, himself a former delinquent youth, YSI serves 4,000 at-risk or adjudicated juveniles. Adjudicated youth who have been committed to YSI by the court system compose 65 percent of YSI's residents. Says Hindman, "About 95 percent of all YSI students have committed crimes in the past." YSI's stated goal is to "change dramatically the thinking and behavior of troubled youth, preparing them to become self-sufficient taxpayers." This involves teaching students not just educational and vocational skills, but also behavior-management skills. For example, YSI has created programs such as Victim Awareness, Anger Management, and Alternative Solutions. YSI's Charles J. Hickey School in Baltimore, MD runs an enhanced security program for juveniles who have committed crimes ranging from theft to murder. Says YSI public-relations manager Camille Baumgardner, "The Hickey School serves the hard core juvenile delinquent. It's the highest security program in Maryland. This is their last chance." YSI's Reflections Treatment Agency in Knoxville, TN is a facility designed strictly for criminal sex offenders. Both programs report relatively low recidivism rates (repeat offenses) within one-year of release. At the Hickey School, 13 percent of the youth were readjudicated; the recidivism rate at Reflections was 11 percent. Comparable one-year recidivism rates are not available, but the U.S. Department of Justice reports that nationally 44 percent of juveniles who commit an aggravated assault (and 45 percent who commit simple assault) are re-arrested and return to juvenile court. More useful longitudinal measures of recidivism and other outcomes for juvenile offenders are necessary to assess and compare the value of various juvenile-justice placements. Despite its tough clientele, YSI says the cornerstone of its programs is education. Says YSI president Henry D. Felton, "YSI is not about incarceration, warehousing, retribution, revenge or punishment. We do not have inmates, we have students." To serve its students, YSI offers a continuum of placements with different levels of security, ranging from group homes to boot camps. All its education programs are state accredited, offer a high-school diploma or GED, and allow students to earn credits which are transferable to regular public-school systems. "The youth knows he's not just doing time, but making the best of his time," says Hindman. "Because of their age, most of these youngsters end up going back to the school system [upon release]." YSI also provides services for nonadjudicated students who are deemed at-risk. YSI recognizes the importance of measuring results. Says Hindman, "We need to produce proof that our practices and policies work....I believe we are doing a very good job. I want to be able to prove it." To do so, YSI commissioned Advanced Technologies Support Group, Inc., an independent evaluation firm, to survey all residential students discharged between January and September 1995 from the 13 facilities YSI operated at the time. The survey sought to determine whether or not YSI intervention had a positive impact on the students' rates of recidivism, school attendance, and school performance. Of a total discharged population of 1,408 students, the survey firm was able to contact 863 (or 63 percent). One year from being released or leaving YSI:
The average per-pupil cost per day of YSI programs is $114, but can range from $75 to $220 a day. Says Hindman, "We can save 20 percent of the cost per pupil [compared to similar public-residential programs for adjudicated youth] as well as provide a higher quality of education." The for-profit company operates nineteen facilities in twelve states and receives juveniles from 36 states.
Cooperative arrangements among public and private agencies also exist to serve difficult-to-educate students. The Multi-Agency Program (MAP) for at-risk students in Spokane, Washington, receives direct classroom services from three agencies, including the Spokane Public Schools, the police department, and the private Spokane Mental Health Center. In New York, Hillside Children's Center, a private residential facility specializing in educating and caring for emotionally disturbed children, operates a program in which it provides clinical services to a nearby public special-education school. Often, children receiving residential care in privately operated facilities, such as emergency shelters, group homes, or treatment facilities, will attend public school during the day.
CASE STUDY #9 Options for Youth Charter School, Victorville, CA Offering students an independent study program, Options for Youth Charter School (OFY) serves 480 students age 12 through adult. Students come from nine different school districts in southern California and are served in five OFY centers spread throughout the region. In 1993, the nonprofit OFY was chartered by the Victor Valley Union High School District under California's charter-school law, which allows charter schools to be operated by private companies. Students attend OFY free of charge. Because OFY operates as a charter school, students may voluntarily enroll in the charter school without being referred by their home district. OFY specializes in dropout recovery. Students, 80 percent of whom have been expelled from or dropped out of their previous school, work at their own pace toward graduation, a GED, or reenrollment in their regular school. The student population includes expulsions, dropouts, and students in need of an alternative education environment. Teen mothers make up between 20 and 40 percent of OFY female enrollment at any given time. The OFY Charter School receives $17.60 per student per day in funding from the student's home district. Unlike conventional schools, which receive funding for enrolled students, OFY collects payment from the district only after students have completed their assignments. Ten percent of all student funding is retained by the Victor Valley school district for administrative costs. Upon entry, students are assessed and given a personalized education program. Students complete their assignments at home or in the OFY centers and typically meet with their teacher twice a week for one hour. Students must score at least 70 percent on tests of completed work before continuing with the next assignment. California charter law requires that the charter school demonstrate student success. An outside evaluation of OFY by Assistant Dean of UCLA Graduate School of Education James Catterall, Ph.D., report that in 1995, "of those students leaving the Options for Youth Program, 44 percent returned to their regular schools or graduated." Writes Catterall, "Since the nature of the OFY Charter School mission is to ‘recover dropouts,’ the more than 200 students returning to school and the 27 graduating during this year should be counted as direct successes." (Note: these figures do not include the students who continue attending OFY.) John Hall, OFY president, estimates that OFY has a student retention rate of over 75 percent.
PART II For purposes of analysis, education for difficult-to-educate youth can be categorized into three overlapping programs: special education, at-risk education, and corrections education. Up to five sectors may be involved in the provision of these programs: public schools, charter schools, nonpublic schools, private schools, and homeschools. While each of these programs and sectors has many unique qualities, they can be differentiated by four defining characteristics. The first characteristic is the degree to which parents versus public officials control the placement decision. Who is the gatekeeper on whether or not a child is served by a particular program and in a particular placement? The funding source, public or private, is the second characteristic. The third characteristic pertains to the legislative environment and the extent to which the program operates with mandated funding and special legislative protections. The fourth characteristic is concerned with ownership; is the school or program a government entity or is it privately owned? (See Appendix III.) How is this collection of programs, sectors, and characteristics to be evaluated? As a preliminary effort, we will evaluate them against a model delivery system. As we define it, a good model for serving difficult-to-educate students has the following three attributes:
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