November 30, 2007
Fiber farmers DEA-nied
Dave Monson and Wayne Hauge, two farmers who sought to add industrial hemp into their crop rotation alongside wheat, barley, canola, soybeans, peas, lentils, and chickpeas in northern North Dakota are out several thousand dollars in filing fees this season, a sad harvest after a year of petitioning the federal government to recognize their state-issued licenses to grow the crop. Their federal suit against the DEA was dismissed Wednesday, but United States District Court Judge, Hon. Daniel L. Hovland, was fair (if not encouraging) in his remarks:
Industrial hemp may not be the terrible menace the DEA makes it out to be, but industrial hemp is still considered to be a Schedule I controlled substance under the current state of the law in this circuit and throughout the country. Marijuana and industrial hemp are members of the Cannabis sativa L. plant species for which the Controlled Substances Act presently makes no distinction. The Court recognizes that at some stage in the process the plant may contain such low levels of THC that it would be impractical to use as a recreational street drug. However, perceived problems relating to detection and enforcement seem to remain as does the current ban imposed by Congress and the Drug Enforcement Administration. The policy arguments raised by the plaintiffs are best suited for Congress rather than a federal courtroom in North Dakota.
Just one look at what appears to be sleet falling from the sky out in front of the Bismarck, N.D., federal building would be enough to win my sympathy for these farmers.
Posted by skaidra at 02:13 PM
November 27, 2007
The FCC’s Cockamamie Cable Numbers
FCC Chairman Kevin Martin’s plan to impose greater regulation on the cable industry may have hit a snag as members of Congress, along with Martin’s fellow commissioners, have questioned the chairman’s rationale and methodology for the new regulatory proposals, the Wall Street Journal reports.
The FCC is scheduled to meet today (11/27) to vote on a number of proposals aimed at greater FCC regulation, but as of this morning, it had become questionable whether the commission would indeed take up the issue.
The Wall Street Journal reports that four Republican Senators and 23 Republican House members have expressed “deep concern” about the new regulatory plans in a letter to Martin. A particular point of dispute is a new data in a report from Martin’s staff that found that 71.4 percent of households with access to cable subscribe. Under a 23-year-old law, the FCC has the right to impose greater regulations if cable adoption goes above 70 percent. Martin is using the findings in the staff report as justification to exert broader authority over the cable industry.
Trouble is, this 71 percent finding by Martin’s staff runs counter to all other current market research. The new FCC report says cable TV is available to 94.2 million U.S. homes, of which 67.2 million subscribe. These numbers are risible. To find anything close you have go back almost eight years to 2000, when Cable World magazine reported that cable TV passed 101.1 million homes, of which 67.3 million subscribed, Even then, this was still less than the 70 percent threshold.
By contrast, the Journal reports market research firm Sanford C. Bernstein’s findings that cable currently passes 105.7 million homes, of which 55.1 million, or 52 percent, subscribe. Bernstein’s figures track with SNLKagan’s, the market research firm the National Cable Telecommunications Association cites on its Web site, which found that, as of June 2007, cable passed 122.5 million homes with 65.3 million—53 percent—subscribing.
Equally troublesome is that Martin’s report uses only one undisclosed source, and disregards contradictory data from previous FCC studies. Martin wants to use these questionable numbers to ram through a slate of proposals would regulate rates cable companies charge to programmers who want to lease channel space to setting up an FCC arbitration board to settle disputes over the way cable companies price cable network programming. Yet the chasm between Martin’s numbers and those from respected market research is so great that it cries out for explanation and documentation. Even Martin's fellow GOP Commissioner Robert McDowell has questioned the Chairman's methodology, saying it marks a "radical departure for the commission -- a departure being made without sufficient chance for public comment."
It is gratifying to see that Martin’s overreaching is not going unchallenged. While the kindest way to put it is that Martin is pursuing his regulator job aggressively, one cannot help but notice the pattern of action against the cable sector, which led the Wall Street Journal in an editorial yesterday to openly speculate whether Martin has a personal animus against cable. This would not be the first time Martin has discovered “new data” to support a sudden reversal in cable regulatory policy – recall that earlier this year his staff produced a report that found that a la carte cable pricing would least to lower prices and more choice. This “new finding” directly contradicted years of FCC data and recommendations. In addition, Martin has used agency power to arbitrarily invalidate large-scale contracts between cable companies and building owners, and has singled out cable networks for fines for “indecency” as part of an effort to extend content regulation from over-the-air broadcasts to cable.
Somebody stop this guy.
Posted by steve.titch at 07:58 AM
November 26, 2007
Showdown over NFL Network?
Expect the contrived controversy over cable carriage of the NFL Network to intensify this week as the FCC meets to push for greater regulation of cable.
As pro football fans know, the Dallas Cowboys and the Green Bay Packers, who share National Football Conference-best records of 10-1, will play Thursday night. The game will be nationally televised over the fledgling NFL Network, a cable channel owned by the National Football League itself, and ratings of which the NFL is trying to boost by using it to air a slate of eight Thursday and Saturday night games this season. (Games will be available on free TV in their local markets.)
Trouble is, the major cable companies, including Comcast and Time Warner, have elected to make the NFL Network available only as part of a higher priced sports tier, not part of the “expanded basic” packages that generally include CNN, ESPN, TNT, Nickelodeon and dozens of other cable channels.
In a case that could only happen because of the legacy of telecommunications as a regulated industry, the NFL has complained about this choice to the FCC. Worse, FCC Chairman Kevin Martin seems willing to give the league a hearing.
Note that the cable companies are not attempting to suppress the NFL Network. They just believe interest in the channel is narrow enough that their cost to carry it (an issue that the NFL conveniently avoids in its FCC complaint) should be borne by those who are truly interested in watching out-of-town pro football. (By the way, isn’t this more in keeping with the a la carte programming idea Martin has been pressing cable companies for?)
In the second place, the NFL Network is part of the standard line-up on Direct TV and Dish Network satellite services, as well as on AT&T’s U-verse video service, a fact these parties are heartily promoting. It comes down to how well the cable companies know their markets. The Green Bay-Dallas game may be a test. Will cable consumers demand the NFL on their standard slate of channels? Will there be more defections to satellite? Will football fans be willing to pay more? Or is the NFL believing its own hype that every household in the U.S. is clamoring to watch an athletic contest, which in the grand scheme of things, means little?
Competitors in other industries face these market challenges all the time. And they are generally solved without regulation or government intervention. There’s no “right” to watch football as part of basic cable, and it’s disappointing to see the FCC act as if it there is. At the very least you’d think that Martin, as much as he prattles on about competition, would understand there’s no real consumer choice if regulators demand all competitors offer the same service the same way at the same price.
Posted by steve.titch at 08:14 AM
The Backflips Begin
Timothy Wu, the Columbia University law professor who is one of the leading voices for network neutrality, has crafted an interesting piece in Slate on what he sees as a coming competitive clash between Google on one side and AT&T and Verizon on the other.
Wu’s article is a sound analysis of the two business models each group seeks to employ. Google is pursuing a network neutral approach of which its Android operating system for mobile devices is the cornerstone. Among its many allies, Google has attracted incumbents T-Mobile and Sprint to the Android concept, showing that the current wireless industry is not as monolithic as Wu’s editors’ use of the inclusive “Ma Bell” in the subhead suggests.
But Wu has a problem. As speculation intensifies as to whether Google will bid several billion dollars for a chunk of the 700 MHz spectrum the FCC plans to auction in January, he must answer the question that network neutrality proponents are finding more difficult to dodge each day – will network neutrality do little more than just give Google, which is, despite its perception as an underdog among some lawmakers, a huge, deep-pocketed company, a government-provided advantage in the market for Internet access and applications.
Here’s where Wu begins to jump through hoops. To justify the call for neutrality regulation, he tries earnestly to make a case that the “Bell System” (which he otherwise admits is really just two companies among four national wireless players) still controls the Internet and is on a position to crush Google, which, in terms of market cap, is only slightly smaller than AT&T and much bigger than Verizon.
Google’s truest and most formidable foes are much older and more powerful. Today we call them Verizon and AT&T, but their real name is the Bell system. Their ideology, which today governs the cell phone world, is called "Vailism," and it can be traced back to 1907 and the origins of AT&T's domination of American telephony. The Bells' philosophy, as promulgated by AT&T's greatest president, Theodore Vail, is based on closed systems, centralized power, and as much control as possible over every part of the network. Vailism is the antithesis, in short, of everything Google stands for. It is this—conquering the business culture of the telephone, as opposed to the computer—that is Google's great challenge.If that sounds abstract, we can make it more concrete. Over the coming years we can expect the Bell system to do everything in its power to destroy or subjugate Google. That's what history suggests; for since 1894 or so, the Bell system has swallowed or eliminated almost all of its would-be rivals. As one historian writes, in the early 1900s Bell would bankrupt competitors, and then "in truly medieval fashion, pile the instruments in the street and burn them, as a horrible example for the future."
As that suggests, bad things tend to happen to firms that challenge Bell. While actual burning of equipment is rarer these days, the Bells do still run the industry, in part, through terror. Almost every firm in the wireless world is, somehow, connected to AT&T or Verizon, and to defy them or even speak out is to risk retaliation. That's why Google's venture might be compared to trying to start a new waste management firm on Tony Soprano's street.
But Wu makes his biggest stretch when he attempts to use Apple as an example of a company that the incumbents cowed into submission. The “once-radical company like Apple, when it launched the iPhone, bowed to the carriers instead of trying to fight them,” Wu writes.
Apple, a $167-billion company in its own right, “bows” to no one. If Apple chose to do an exclusive deal with AT&T, it was because it served Apple’s interest. And it worked. The company hyped its introduction enough to assure initial demand exceeded supply to justify a $500 price tag (reduced by 40 percent just weeks later). Yet beloved by the tech left, Apple got a pass when, after the code that locked the iPhone to AT&T was cracked, it broadcast a software update that essentially rendered all unlocked phones useless.
As for general market power in the Internet space, let’s not forget that Apple’s iTunes is the leading online music retailer, yet provides downloadable music in a format that can be played on no other portable digital music player but an Apple iPod. Let’s also not forget that Apple CEO Steven Jobs, is the largest shareowner in Disney, which is now a major supplier of content to–you guessed it—iTunes.
Yet to get the network neutrality agenda accomplished, proponents like Wu must try to convince legislators that the telephone companies are in the same dominant position they were 20 years ago. This means doing backflips and cartwheels do portray Apple and Google as vulnerable market weaklings. If lawmakers simply were to examine the business section of their local papers, they’d realize that neutrality has become a battle between a group of Internet goliaths attempting to get a government-sponsored boost to their business plan.
It’s true that AT&T and Verizon have control of a lot of spectrum. This is indeed an advantage, but it’s offset by the advantages that Google and others have in the applications space. Google’s chief advantage is dominance as a Web search engine. Its ability to use proprietary techniques to deliver web ads, combined with its forays into personal email and messaging (Gmail), programming delivery (YouTube) and Web ad tracking and management (its pending deal with Doubleclick) and, if Android proves out, mobility, is making it the most powerful force in Web commerce.
AT&T and Verizon’s strength is in the transport area. Their business depends on maximizing the value of their networks, which they built and own. Google’s strength is Web applications, and its business depends on maximizing the scope, volume and reach of its online applications and services, because they are paid for by advertising, and to do so for as low a cost as possible. At the end of the day, Google is a bandwidth user and AT&T and Verizon are bandwidth providers.
This is a buyer-seller relationship that should be settled by the market. Instead, Google is rather crassly promoting a misguided network neutrality notion that it’s somehow unfair for transport companies to monetize their investment.
I say rather crassly because at the end of the day we don’t know how “open” Android is going to be. My guess is that as a wireless operating system, it is going to have to constrain or manage certain types of bandwidth-rich applications. Watch out for the “Humpty Dumpty” clause here. When Google defines “open,” it will mean it’s just as "open" as Google wants it to be.
But Google’s concepts of “open” will only be contentious if Congress starts dictating open networks and applications via legislation. This is enough of a reason for it to steer clear. Besides, Google is a big boy now. If it’s convinced that it’s pursuing the model customers want, it should be allowed to do so without government help.
Posted by steve.titch at 07:42 AM
November 24, 2007
Well, Sith Lords Are Cool
Shifting through the cultural tea-leaves, the Washington Times wonders in this story whether libertarians are the new "IT" factor in American politics.
Of course, the ever-excitable Michael Kinsley is horrified this may actually be the case. Reason Mag's Nick Gillespie responds: "We're the Sith Lords of American Politics. We can show up in any group. We're both terrifying and devilishly attractive."
Posted by mikef at 05:08 PM
November 15, 2007
Another Shocking Report on TSA Effectiveness
Surprise, surprise! Another report just released today shows that the TSA is yet again incapable of catching explosives that terrorists could try to get through airport security.
And how is this different from another report on TSA incompetence released in October?
Look behind the headlines, and you will see that there needs to be a serious re-evaluation of how airport security is to be done, either by putting private security guards on the lines who keep their jobs if they do well or by moving towards a more risk-based approach that doesn’t treat all passengers like criminals. Some will decry this as profiling, but the simple fact is that grandma with her knitting needles is not a major threat to security.
Posted by ben.dachis at 07:36 PM
November 14, 2007
Obama Does the NN Talking Points
At a town hall meeting scheduled for today (Nov. 14), Democratic presidential contender Barack Obama was to touch on the standard set of network neutrality talking points, no doubt missing the irony that he was going to make his remarks at the headquarters of Google, the one company that stands to gain the biggest sort-term windfall if network neutrality becomes law.
Prepared statements were released in advance and they add up to the standard campaign pabulum. After all, everyone’s for an “open network” just like everyone’s for “quality health care” and a “sound energy policy.” Yet aside from being a friendly host to the Obama camp, the more Google talks about their so-called neutrality model for wireless, the less I see them supporting the broad language of Snowe-Dorgan in the end. Simply because it applies to wireless devices, Google's so-called "open" Android operating system is going to need some network management capabilities to work. And its no secret that when pressed about the operation efficiency of a totally neutral Internet, Google has been hedging all year.
Nonetheless, by getting all gushy about Google, Obama risks the same danger as many of his colleagues – equating Google’s interest with the public interest.
“The Google story is about what can be achieved when we cultivate new ideas and keep the playing field level for new businesses,” his script reads. Of course, Google hardly has a level playing field. First of all, although it designs to compete in the provision of services (local WiFi and 700 MHz wireless) it is completely unregulated. No carrier of last resort obligations, no universal service mandate, and no need to incur the extra cost to collect taxes, surcharges and franchise fees state and local governments assess on its prospective competitors.
Then there’s the enormous break from the FCC with the auction rules, which probably did more than anything to spearhead interest in Android. Google's stock price is about $640 and its market cap is $200 billion. By comparison, AT&T’s is $237 billion, Verizon’s is $126 billion and IBM’s is $143 billion.
Google’s big advantage in Washington has been its ability to hoodwink Congress that its still a small company—("a smaller voice" being "squeezed out," in Obama's words) hence appealing to the Democrats’ instinct to protect small players from large.
The principled position however stems from respect for private property and curtailing the power of big government to regulate business models. In the end, even Google’s going to finesse its way out of supporting net neutrality. Posturing for "open networks" suits the company today, but not in the long run. That’s why Obama, and others, should be careful. Politicians who buy into the idea that network neutrality as political issue will find themselves out on a limb.
Posted by steve.titch at 06:05 PM
November 09, 2007
Network Neutrality Returns
Efforts to resuscitate network neutrality legislation seem to be gaining some momentum on Capitol Hill. Reports from inside the Beltway say that Rep. Ed Markey (D-MA), chairman of the House Subcommittee on Telecommunications and Finance, is close to reintroducing his net neutrality bill. Readers may recall Markey’s bill was voted down last year when offered as an amendment to the House’s sweeping telecom reform bill. Hearings may begin as early as this month.
Meanwhile, over in the Senate, the Snowe-Dorgan net neutrality bill, another 2006 loser that was re-introduced and tabled in January, may be coming up for debate in the Senate Commerce Committee.
The latest moves come after some rather sensationalized reports of Internet blocking by Comcast and AT&T.
First, AP accused Comcast of blocking traffic headed for certain peer-to-peer sites. The truth turned out to be that Comcast merely was slowing down isolated P2P uploads by reducing the number of simultaneous connections the user could have to the file-sharing site. As George Ou, an IT blogger for ZDNet explained Nov. 6, “We can think of it as a freeway onramp that has lights on it to rate limit the number of cars that may enter a freeway… If you didn’t have the lights and everyone tries to pile on to the freeway at the same time, everyone ends up with worse traffic.”
(The facts did not stop Free Press.org from going into full blather about discrimination, demanding the FCC impose up to $2.3 billion in fines on Comcast.)
The only other incident this year that raised network neutrality questions was the unfortunate decision to blank out lyrics that were critical of President George W. Bush during an AT&T wireless webcast of a Pearl Jam concert. Immediately the net neutrality crowd jumped on the report, saying this proved the AT&T has the power to silence political dissent. Things got quiet awful fast when it turned out an employee of the company managing the webcast, not AT&T, had made a unilateral and unauthorized decision to delete the lyrics. AT&T apologized and made an uncut version of the concert available to customers.
But we hope that before rushing to regulate the network, Congress takes note of Google’s plan to give network neutrality a bona fide market test. This week Google unveiled Android, an operating system that will power its promised GPhone, and which Google intends to make freely available to manufacturers and software developers who want an alternative to service provider channels. Android incorporates some Linux software and is supposedly open source. To support the project, Google has spearheaded the Open Handset Alliance, a forum that includes some heavy hitters like Qualcomm, Broadcom, Intel, Samsung, Motorola, Sprint, and Texas Instruments, although brand name membership does not always equate with influence. And from what I understand, the Android-based GPhone is still some time away from marketability.
While it’s fair to say that this whole initiative may have gotten a shot in the arm from the FCC’s decision to set aside a portion of the 700 MHz spectrum for neutral business models, Google Android and the OHA are good examples of a competitive market response to the current way carriers and phone manufacturers tightly integrate. That’s competition at work. In this is serves as a good example that legislated network neutrality is not needed. If there is genuine consumer demand – and Google gets Android to work well enough that consumers accept it – there’s no need to legislate it.
However, we should be wary of attempts by the network neutrality crowd to call on government to give the Google model “an advantage” so to speak (the company got a big break with the auction rules already) and aggressively counter assertions that the Google approach is somehow ethically and morally superior to conventional models. Simply put, Google’s approach serves Google’s interest; AT&T’s approach serves AT&T’s interests. To the extent those interests coincide with consumer interests, the respective models will be successful.
Posted by steve.titch at 02:39 PM
Think on the Margins
If my training in economics taught me anything, it’s to think on the margins. How much extra do you get for a little bit more?
The revamping of the Eurostar, the high-speed train that links the UK with the continent, is a good example of not thinking marginally.
For about $12 billion, they built a new station and new tracks in the UK, to save 25 to 30 minutes. That’s $480 million for each minute saved, is that a good investment?
For any investment like this, one has to think on the margins. How much will it improve travel time versus what is already available, is the marginal improvement worth the money?
Applied to the US context, does an investment in high-speed rail make sense if it only marginally improves travel time when the alternative (air) is already very viable?
Posted by ben.dachis at 10:01 AM
November 07, 2007
Why Rural Telecom Subsidies May Do More Harm Than Good
A few weeks ago, I had the good fortune to attend the annual Rural Telecom Conference, or Rural TeleCon, where I debated Christopher Mitchell of the Institute for Local Self-Reliance on the issue of municipal broadband. It was a lively discussion, and Mitchell came well-prepared. Much of the debate stayed where it should: what role, if any, the government should have in the build-out of infrastructure and provision of service.
I mention this not to rehash the argument, but to introduce some further thinking on the topic. Right now it appears that big cities are stepping back from municipal wireless, at least until a new business model can be formulated. Muni broadband is not going to go away, however. And from what I could tell from my day at Rural TeleCon, stands every chance of being subsumed into the wider issue of funding universal service in rural areas.
I emerged from Rural TeleCon somewhat disappointed. The 2007 conference, held Oct 15-17 in Springfield, Ill., brought together lawmakers, regulators, executives, and technicians from rural phone companies around the country, many of whom seem ready to accept, unquestioned, that market forces have somehow failed and large scale government intervention is required to ensure universal broadband, especially in rural markets.
Conventional wisdom says rural areas cost so much to build out, and offer so little return, that enterprises beholden to shareowners will see no profit in extending broadband infrastructure to remote towns and regions.
Penetration is indeed higher in urban and suburban areas than rural areas. But while rural penetration lags, it’s not declining or even flatlining. From 2001 to 2007, according to the Pew Internet and American Life Project, rural broadband penetration increased from 5 percent to 30 percent.
Hence rural grew six times—from 1 in 20 households to 6 in 20. Over the same period, city and suburban broadband grew five times, from 1 in 10 to 5 in 10.
Despite this growth, broadband penetration in rural areas could be better. But to set conventional wisdom on its ear, it could be that rural penetration is at only 30 percent because of government programs, not due to a lack of them.
If you listen to those who suggest we adopt broadband subsidy programs similar to those in Europe and Asia, you’d believe the federal government is doing nothing. That’s not true. There are numerous government programs, run by several cabinet level agencies, geared toward funding telecommunications infrastructure and applications in high-cost areas.
This starts with the $6.8 billion Federal Universal Service Find (FUSF), amassed from a federal surcharge on all wireline, wireless, and Internet phone lines. And there are numerous other programs, such as the Department of Agriculture’s Rural Utilities Services, loans and block grants from the Departments of Commerce, Education, Homeland Security, and Housing and Urban Development, and several federal-state partnerships.
The real question, then, is how well they are being administered. Economist Thomas Hazlett calculated you can take the $7 billion the FUSF spends in one year and buy a satellite phone for every household without a phone and have plenty left over.
The FUSF is an easy target, but it’s not the only program that raises questions. The core problem is that huge subsidies are flowing to large rural companies who have a vested interest in maintaining expensive, older facilities in order to extend depreciation periods. This is leading to a dangerous dependence on a business model that requires subsidies, as opposed to real equity, to bolster company value.
This table shows some of the top telephone holding companies that serve rural areas. The biggest, Embarq, a spin-off from Sprint, did $6.3 billion in revenues in 2006. Of those revenues, $228 million came from the state and federal USF funds. Embarq had net earnings in 2006 of $784 million.
Do the math and you’ll see 29 percent of its profit came from government USF receipts. Move down the list and you see how USF simply pads the bottom line on most of these companies. Is the government subsidizing broadband or shareowner equity?
With the exception of one company in the chart (Consolidated Communications Holdings, a situation that raises questions in and of itself), if the subsidies were taken away these firms would still be profitable. Maybe not as profitable, but profitable. And then, maybe, they would start looking for ways to grow revenues in line with the actual market appeal of their services.
And therein lies the point. Government subsidies are inherently misallocated capital. Generally, the rationale for a subsidy comes when the government decides that an essential product or service can’t be delivered by market mechanisms. It is an intentional diversion of capital to fill a gap between what a service costs to provide and what an average citizen can afford to pay.
In doing so, the government takes available capital away, either as tax, or a loan at below-market interest, from investments that, in a totally free market, would yield more productive returns in the long term. That’s the societal trade off, but the loss in productivity gain is often not calculated into the subsidy equation. Policymakers should think about it, however, especially in telecommunications, where the pace of technological change makes business models particularly prone to disruption.
By all signs, in three to five years the market stands to deliver much greater value from the investor dollars government leaves, than what it can deliver from tax dollars it takes. We already have examples, reported on here and here.
Technologies such as WiMax and Broadband over Power Lines aren’t commercial yet, but established patterns suggest when they are these technologies will eclipse the cost and capabilities of conventional wireline and DSL in rural areas—and deliver profit for investors. But government must be careful not to confuse the protection of rural consumers with the protection of rural holding companies.
If, as the worriers say, the U.S. risks losing global leadership in broadband growth, then less government, not more, is the answer. In the IT and telecom sector, only transport companies are regulated and subsidized. All other segments compete freely.
In each of the competitive areas, the leader is a U.S. company—software: Microsoft; search engines: Google; IP infrastructure Cisco; e-commerce: eBay; Web-based media: Apple; Internet servers: HP, Sun, Akamai, and IBM.
Look at what this industry, when left unregulated and driven only by their need to attract willing investors, has accomplished. Isn’t it time we extended the same freedom to the service provider sector?
Posted by steve.titch at 02:34 PM
Oregon tax debate: beyond good and evil and TV ads
Oregon voters defeated a tobacco tax proposal billed as an expansion of children's health coverage in yesterday's election. The relevant question for similar plans at the national and state level is, what motivated voters? (We'll assume not all of them read our analysis of the measure.) Generally speaking, tobacco taxes poll well despite the (perhaps grudging) sympathy that Americans still have for smokers. A few polls, including one last August, showed a majority of voters favoring the Oregon tax proposal. Gov. Ted Kulongoski, who championed the measure (though, with his own approval ratings relatively low, he might not have been much help) blames the fact that his campaign was outspent by tobacco companies. From the Bend Bulletin:
“The governor is saying that this is not a vote about whether Oregonians want health care for kids,” said Kulongoski spokeswoman Patty Wentz. “It’s a vote you get when the tobacco industry puts in $12 million, and it will not change the fact that health care for kids is his top priority.”
The spending for and against the measure set a new high-water mark for campaign contributions in Oregon. Tobacco companies poured $12 million into Oregon to oppose it. Proponents, which included the American Cancer Association, hospitals and labor unions, combined to spend $3.4 million.
“It was unprecedented,” said Cathy Kaufmann, manager for the Healthy Kids Oregon campaign. “That $12 million was twice as much as you need to confuse Oregon voters.”
Setting aside the low blow from the campaign in favor of the tax--that it only takes $3 each to confuse Oregon's registered voters--I'd like to think Kulongoski has it right on at least one point. The vote wasn't "against the children" but against a funding mechanism that sidestepped taxpayer protections in the Oregon Constitution and seemed otherwise contrived and unfair at a basic level.
Did the TV ads, accounting for the bulk of campaign spending, help "confuse" or educate Oregon voters? Some of the ads on both sides didn't even mention that the measure was a tobacco tax. See samples for and against and judge for yourself.
Posted by skaidra at 11:02 AM
November 05, 2007
Media pundits go for Rudy's Jugular
A radio ad aired by Rudy Giuliani in New Hampshire has unleashed a firestorm of protest by the media. In it, Giuliani, a prostate cancer survivor, thanks God that he was treated in the United State’s (semi-socialized) medical system where survival rates for this type of cancer are 82 percent – as opposed to the (fully) socialized medical system in Britain where survival rates are allegedly only 44 percent.
But a number of reporters and pundits have pounced on the stat like a jackal on a bunny (actually, make that an ant). Rick Klein of ABC News accuses Rudy of “fuzzy healthcare math.” Ezra Klein of CBS denounces the stat as a “straight lie resulting from a basic mathematical error.” Washington Post’s Eugene Robinson intones that this is precisely the kind of “cherry-picking” of data that has caused 160,000 US soldiers to be bogged down in Iraq.
My, my! So what exactly is the truth, according to these oracles?
Well, WaPo’s Michael Dobbs claims that mortality rates for prostate cancer in the United States and UK are the same: About 25 men out of 100,000 die of prostate cancer each year in the two countries. But that comparison hides more than it reveals.
Rudy’s claim was taken from an article in a 2007 issue of the City Journal by Dr. David Gratzer of the Manhattan Institute – and a contributor to Reason Roundtable – that were based on 2000 OECD data. Gratzer admits the figures are now outdated -- although it is curious as to why he used 2000 figures in a 2007 article (he does provide an answer of sorts in a New York Post article linked below.) But Gratzer points out that Dobb’s comparison is based on overall mortality rates. That is, the percentage of all Americans who die of prostate cancer is similar to the percentage of all Britons.
However, Gratzer, who is also Rudy's health care policy adviser, notes, that this comparison misses the point given that a much higher percentage of Americans are diagnosed with prostate cancer than Britons. And the latest figures from Lancet Oncology, a respected journal, show that the five-year survival rate of people diagnosed with prostate cancer is much higher in the U.S. (99 percent) than in Europe (78 percent) and Scotland and Wales (71 percent). Britain’s latest figures are not yet available.
Gratzer’s detractors such as Eugene Robinson of WaPo, however, counter that the higher prostate cancer diagnosis in the U.S. is not the result of higher incidence of cancer -- but of early screening and detection. And that discredits Rudy and Gratzer how? Because very often this type of cancer is non-lethal and its detection bumps up U.S. survival rates among patients diagnosed with prostate cancer even when they are not treated or treated inadequately. Get it?
But even if these pundits were right that the higher diagnosis of non-lethal prostate cancer does artificially boost the survival rate of U.S. patients, can it account for the entire 22-27 percent differential between U.S. and European survival rate that the Lancet study found? Highly unlikely.
The bottom-line is that Rudy’s accusers have no fool-proof evidence of willful mendacity on his part. Rudy might have over-stated his case (Isn’t that shocking: a politician overstating!). But they have certainly engaged in over-kill.
All of which raises this interesting question: Where were these pundits when Al Gore was going around making movies claiming that global warming would cause sea levels to rise by 20 feet, when, in reality, the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change put the figure at no more than two feet: a ten-fold exaggeration?
How do you spell d-o-u-b-l-e s-t-a-n-d-a-r-d?
David Gratzer's column in the New York Post taking on his critics here:
http://www.nypost.com/seven/11052007/postopinion/opedcolumnists/uks_bad_medicine_901295.htm?CMP=EMC-email_edition&DATE=11052007
WaPo's Eugene Robinson's commentary here:
http://www.azstarnet.com/opinion/209570
Posted by shikhad at 07:05 PM
November 01, 2007
Subsidizing Competition, Not Service
The CEO of a privately-held broadband company called on the federal government to end low-interest loans for broadband to rural phone companies that face competition from cable companies and other service providers using alternative technologies.
Amy Tykeson, head of BendBroadband, a cable company serving rural Oregon, told a House subcommittee hearing yesterday the federal government had to stop providing loans to broadband providers interested in offering service to consumers who already have access to high-speed Internet access.
Here’s how Multichannel News reported the story:
Tykeson, echoing concerns raised by cable officials for several years, took aim at a Rural Utilities Service (RUS) program, claiming that funds intended for areas truly unserved were flowing to companies that compete with cable competitors. The RUS is an arm of the U.S. Department of Agriculture.
“Subsidizing competition is a waste of scarce RUS loans funds that should instead be targeted to areas where a market-based solution has not developed,” Tykeson said, noting that cable’s broadband lines pass about 94 million U.S. homes.
Tykeson, whose Oregon-based company is privately held, appeared before the House Appropriations Subcommittee on Agriculture, Rural Development, Food and Drug Administration and Related Agencies.
The RUS, Tykeson said, made a loan to a company within BendBroadband’s own 60,000-home service area, which is also served by two other broadband providers, Qwest and wireless provider Clearwire.
“Notwithstanding this information, the RUS granted the application for a loan to offer subsidized service there,” she said.
Posted by steve.titch at 09:28 AM
World Freedom Atlas
I'm a big map collector, so something like this is right up my alley.
The World Freedom Atlas has varying measures of economic, personal and political freedom all displayed on a worldwide and interactive map. Very cool. It's the freedom version of Gapminder, which is pretty cool in itself.
Check it out.
Posted by ben.dachis at 06:51 AM

